Case assignment, case concord, and the quantificational case construction

This paper examines a controversial and particularly complex case phenomenon called quantificational case attested in a number of historically unrelated Slavonic and Finno-Ugric languages, and attempts to establish certain novel cross-linguistic generalizations and conclusions. In particular, it will be argued that (i) instead of standard one-to-one case assignment, in which one case assigner is case-related to one case assignee, a many-to-many case flow is attested; (ii) nominal case is not a privilege of full DPs, arguments or thematic roles; (iii) case reflects either local or nonlocal functional structure, whether in the verbal or nominal domain; and that (iv) there is no distinction between case assignment and case concord. An analysis is provided using the probe–goal system of recent minimalist theory, although some modifications to this system are required. In particular, the system is generalized to cover the reported instances of many-to-many case assignment in which one probe can affect several goals and several probes can affect the case features of the one and the same goal.