Abstract :
جمهوري اسلامي همواره با تحريمها روبرو بوده و سياست و روابط خارجي آن، بهخصوص با ايالاتمتحده و اتحاديه اروپايي، تحت تاثير تحريمها قرار داشته است. توافق بينالمللي برجام پس از تحريمهاي متوالي، موافقان و مخالفان را به گمانهزنيهاي بسيار درباره بازتاب برجام در سياست خارجي دو كشور برانگيخته است. به باور موافقان برجام، اين توافق به معناي خاتمه سياستهاي تحريم ايالاتمتحده عليه جمهوري اسلامي است. درحاليكه ازنظر اين مقاله بهواسطه شرايط پيچيده خاورميانه، گسترش تروريسم و وضعيت گذار ژيوپليتيك منطقه، تحقق چنين شرايطي بعيد به نظر ميرسد. سوال اصلي اين است كه تاثير برجام بر سياست خارجي ايالات متحده، بهويژه سياست تحريم، در برابر جمهوري اسلامي ايران در پسابرجام چه خواهد بود؟ بنا به فرضيه مقاله، تحريمهاي مالي، اقتصادي، دفاعي و نظامي بهعنوان يك راهحل آزمايششده در مهار قدرت اقتصادي و نظامي ايران در سند راهبردي ايالاتمتحده امريكا نهادينه شده است و نميتوان آن را بهآساني ناديده گرفت. نظريه تحريم منافع ايالاتمتحده و متحدان منطقهاياش، همچون رژيم صهيونيستي و عربستان سعودي، را تامين كرده است و اين گروه، آزادسازي انرژي مالي و اوجگيري قدرت جمهوري اسلامي در پسابرجام را مخالف منافع خود و در جهت پيروزي كامل محور مقاومت و تسهيل زمينههاي تسلط جمهوري اسلامي در منطقه ميبينند. بنا بر ذهنيت نخبگان سياسي ايالاتمتحده، گفتمانهاي مخالف توافق هستهاي و موفقيت سياست تحريم ايران در تامين منافع ايالاتمتحده، استمرار تحريم و تصويب تحريمهاي جديد از سوي نخبگان سياسي ايالاتمتحده بسيار محتمل خواهد بود.
Abstract :
The Islamic Republic of Iran has always faced sanctions and its foreign policy and relations with other countries, especially the United States and the European Union, were practiced under the impact of the sanctions. The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA, 2015), reached after successive years of sanctions, has proponents and opponents inside the country, who have different views about its effects on the Iranian and American foreign policy. The proponents believe that the JCPOA will put an end to the U.S. sanction’s policy against the I.R.I. While the authors of this article believe that due to the Middle East’s complex situation, growth of terrorism, as well as the transitional circumstances of the region’s geopolitical condition, the occurrence of such theory seems unlikely. The main question of this paper is: What is the impact of the JCPOA on the U.S. foreign policy, especially sanctions policy, against the Islamic Republic of Iran (I.R.I.) in post-JCPOA? According to our hypothesis, financial, economic, military, and defence sanctions have been institutionalized in the U.S. strategic document as an effective, tested policy to contain the I.R.I. military and economic power and would not be wiped out from the U.S. foreign policy. Sanction theories have successfully secured the interests of the U.S. and its regional allies, such as the Zionist regime and Saudi Arabia. They are, therefore, opposed to the release of the Iranian financial energy or a dramatic increase in the I.R.I. power in the region as it, prompting the success of the resistance axis and facilitating the dominance of the Islamic Republic in the region, will be against their objectives. Considering the U.S. political elite mentality, the existing discourse against I.R.I. nuclear agreement as well as the U.S. achievements, through imposed sanctions against I.R.I., adoption of new sanctions by the U.S. politicians in post-JCPOA would be very likely.